The 'Two Cultures' debate revisited
Once or twice in a generation, an idea takes on a life of its own. It does
so because it captures - encapsulates, pins down - a concern which had hitherto
been widespread but inchoate. By giving a name to the concern, the idea
converts it into conversational currency which can then be used for intellectual
trading. Because we have a handle for it, we can suddenly discuss it openly.
The notion that we live in a world riven by 'two cultures' is such an idea.
For a century and a half this society - or at any rate some of its more
thoughtful members - has fretted about the intellectual chasm which yawns
between the scientific worldview and that of the humanities. Every so often,
the gulf between the two cultures has produced spectacular eruptions, much
as the San Andreas Fault produces earthquakes. The nineteenth century saw
incessant skirmishing between Romantics and Utilitarians and celebrated
rows (Matthew Arnold versus TH Huxley, Coleridge versus Bentham). In the
twentieth, we have so far only had F.R. Leavis versus C.P. Snow.
It started innocently enough. In 1959 the University of Cambridge asked
Sir Charles Percy Snow to give the annual Rede Lecture. This is traditionally
an opportunity for some establishment figure to pontificate on a grand theme
theme. Snow was by this stage a corpulent member of the Great and the Good,
as well as being something of a pundit on science and society, so he fitted
the Rede bill admirably.
Unlike most establishment boobies, however, Snow had been a research chemist
and a Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge during the 1930s. Indeed at
one time it looked as thought he had himself made a great scientific breakthrough
by discovering how to produce Vitamin A artificially. The discovery was
reported in 'Nature' and hailed as a great advance, but turned out to be
mistaken. The resulting recantation and humiliation had, understandably,
taken the shine off his scientific research, and he turned to administration
(as a Civil Service Commissioner) and writing instead, becoming famous for
'Strangers and Brothers', an eleven-volume sequence of linked novels about
British academia and the corridors of power.
Choosing as his title 'The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution',
Snow opened his Rede lecture with the observation that he was, by British
standards at least, an unusual animal. 'By training I was a scientist: by
vocation I was a writer. That was all.' In moving between the scientific
and literary worlds, however, he felt that he was a lone traveller. 'Constantly
I felt I was moving among two groups - comparable in intelligence, identical
in race, not grossly
dissimilar in social origin, earning about the same incomes, who had almost
ceased to communicate at all, who in intellectual, moral and psychological
climate had so little in common that instead of going from Burlington House
or South Kensington to Chelsea, one might have crossed an ocean.'
Snow painted a picture of a bipolar culture with, at one pole, scientists
(and I suppose engineers, though he did not mention them explicitly) and,
at the other, what he called 'literary intellectuals'. There was, he maintained,
almost no intellectual traffic between these two subcultures. Scientists
read 'very little. And of the books which to most literary pertsons are
bread and butter, novels, history, poetry, plays, almost nothing at all'.
Literary intellectuals, for their part, were no better, being largely ignorant
of science. In a famous passage, Snow described how he had asked a group
of them 'how many could describe the Second Law of Thermodynamics. The response
was cold: it was also negative. Yet I was asking something which was about
the scientific equivalent of: Have you read a work of Shakespeare's ?'
In fact, he argued, the situation was worse than that, for most literary
people could not define the concepts of 'mass' or 'acceleration' with any
precision, which is the scientific equivalent of being unable to read. 'It
is ... as though, over an immense range of human experience, a whole group
was tone-deaf. Except that this tone-deafness doesn't come by nature, but
by training, or rather the absence of training'.
In describing this state of affairs, Snow adopted an Olympian, even-handed
tone. The mutual incomprehension of the scientific and literary cultures
was deeply regrettable; there were faults on both sides; the intense early
specialisation enforced by the British A-level system of secondary education
had a great deal to answer for; etc., etc.
But in fact, Snow's impartiality was only skin deep. The unmistakeable subtext
of the lecture was that the literary culture was the truly degenerate, anti-social
one. 'Intellectuals', he asserted, 'in particular literary intellectuals,
are natural Luddites'. They fail to understand that 'industrialisation is
the only hope of the poor'. And if scientists 'have the future in their
bones, then the traditional culture responds by wishing the future did not
exist. But it is the traditional culture, ... , which manages the western
world'.
Snow's lecture had an astonishing impact. The idea of 'the two cultures'
was evidently one whose time had come. It became part of the vocabulary
of the chattering classes, alongside Thomas Kuhn's notion of a scientific
'paradigm'. In part, this rapid assimilation was due to the fact that -
as with the Kuhnian paradigm - the initial formulation of the concepts was
so vague that people could project their own interpretations onto it. (In
a wonderful article, Margaret Masterman once showed that Kuhn had used the
term 'paradigm' in 36 distinct senses in the 'The Structure of Scientific
Revolutions', the book which launched the idea.)
In a similar way, a close reading of Snow's lecture revealed the extent
to which his thinking was riddled by ambiguity and evasiveness. It was never
clear, for example, whether in talking about the scientific culture he was
referring to scientists and their political views, or merely to people who
vaguely approve of science and a 'scientific approach' to human affairs.
There is an air of assertive windbaggery about much of the lecture which
is pure Snow. 'The manner', observes Stefan Collini an an excellent introduction
to Cambridge University Press's recent reprint, 'is that of one who has
weighed unmentioned evidence, who knows the grave consequences of getting
it wrong, but who is better placed than anyone else to get it right'.
Unfortunately for Snow, there also existed in Cambridge someone perfectly
qualified to penetrate his authoritative-sounding smokescreen. He was F.R.
Leavis, who at that time was coming to the end of an extraordinary career
as the most controversial - if not the dominant - literary critic of the
age. He was born 100 years ago this week.
Snow and Leavis had clashed indirectly once before - in 1934 - when they
had both reviewed H.G. Wells's 'Experiment in Autobiography'. Leavis had
dismissed it, whereas Snow had praised it in a review which contained a
pointed sneer at the way 'undergraduates can be led to say that Gerald Manley
Hopkins was the only justification for the nineteenth century', which was
clearly a reference to Leavis's well-known enthusiasm for Hopkins.
If God had wanted to construct a bete noir for Leavis, then He could not
have done much better than the 1959 Rede lecturer. For one thing, Snow was
a prominent technocrat, an enthusiast for what was later characterised as
'the white heat of technological revolution' - and thus an advocate for
the utilitarian reduction of human experience into what could be measured
and calculated. For another, he moved easily in the clubbable, back-scratching
circles of literary London and was thus an embodiement of the 'coterie culture'
which Leavis detested.
Leavis got his chance when the students of his college - Downing - invited
him to give the 1962 Richmond lecture. Like a hawk pouncing on an overweight
mouse, Leavis went straight to the heart of the matter - the air of authority
assumed by Snow because of his claim that he moved easily between the two
cultures and (by implication) that he was taken seriously in both.
Leavis would have none of this. Whatever Snow's status as a scientist (and
Leavis hinted that it wasn't very high, which was true), his claims to be
taken seriously as a man of letters were utterly fatuous. 'Snow is, of course
a - no, I can't say that; he isn't; Snow thinks of himself as a novelist'.
Drawing on his own authority as a literary critic, Leavis ridiculed his
enemy's pretensions as a writer of fiction, deriding his characterless,
unspeakable dialogue, his constant resort to telling rather than showing
and his limited imaginative range.
The savagery and ad hominem nature of Leavis's attack appalled many
people at the time - and indeed almost dissuaded the Spectator from publishing
the lecture for fear of legal action. In its ferocity, the Richmond lecture
reminds one of Dr Johnson's diatribe against Chesterfield. But given the
way Snow had set himself up as an authoritative man of affairs, it is difficult
to see how any robust attack on his position could avoid being personal
to some extent.
The object of Leavis's demolition job, of course, was to undermine Snow's
attack on the literary culture which he valued so highly, and of which he
was such a conspicuous ornament. What incensed him was partly Snow's (ludicrous)
claim that the major imaginative writers of the nineteenth century had ignored
- or mindlessly opposed - the industrial revolution. But the main driving
force for his rage was the assertion that it was the scientists who had
'the future in their bones'.
This Leavis would not, could not stand. And he was right, for the things
that really matter to us - the secrets of the heart, of what it means to
be an individual, the depths and heights of human experience - all are accessible,
if at all, only through literature and the creative arts. Science has no
purchase on them, and precious little to say about them beyond the posturings
of reductionists. A knowledge of the biochemistry of the brain tells us
nothing about the mind of its owner. And even when the whole of the human
genome has been mapped, we will still not know what makes us tick.
The Observer 9 July 1995
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